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  • In 3-Day Observation Period: Phivolcs logs 528 Bulusan quakes

    By Ernie Delgado LEGAZPI CITY --- Mount Bulusan in Sorsogon has seen a significant increase in seismic activity since June 12, recording 528 volcanic earthquakes over three days, according to state volcanologists. In monitoring bulletins from June 13 to 15, the Philippine Institute of Volcanology and Seismology (Phivolcs) reported that this sustained seismic activity, which occurred from 12 a.m. on June 12 to 12 a.m. on June 15, primarily consisted of volcano-tectonic earthquakes. This indicates that rock is breaking apart deep underground, approximately 5 kilometers below the volcano’s surface, Phivolcs said. While most of these earthquakes were weak and shallow, the agency warned that these could lead to steam-driven eruptions, also known as phreatic eruptions, that could occur from any of the summit vents. Phivolcs also noted that degassing from the active vents has ranged from weak to moderate in the past few days, with low levels of volcanic sulfur dioxide emissions recorded on June 11. Despite the rise in seismic events, Bulusan remains at Alert Level 1, indicating a “low-level unrest.” Given the situation, Phivolcs has advised the public to avoid entering the four-kilometer-radius Permanent Danger Zone due to the potential for sudden and hazardous steam-driven or phreatic eruptions, as well as risks of rockfalls, landslides, and other volcanic hazards. Civil aviation authorities should also caution pilots to avoid flying near the volcano’s summit, as ash from any sudden phreatic eruption can pose risks to aircraft. In the event of phreatic eruptions, communities located to the west and downwind of the volcano should prepare for ashfall. Officials are urged to pay special attention to vulnerable individuals, including the elderly, pregnant women, infants, and those with medical conditions. Additionally, residents living in valleys and along rivers and stream channels should be cautious of potential lahar flow following heavy and prolonged rainfall after a phreatic eruption. (PIA Bicol) BENEATH THE QUIET PEAK Though standing serene against the sky, Mount Bulusan is showing signs of unrest. Over the past three days, 528 volcanic earthquakes were recorded beneath the volcano, most of them caused by rocks breaking deep underground about five kilometers below the surface, according to Phivolcs. The heightened seismic activity serves as a reminder that one of the country’s most active volcanoes remains restless beneath its tranquil facade. Photo courtesy of PIA/Ernie Delgado

  • CA clears CamNorte govin conduct unbecoming case

    By Rhaydz Barcia LEGAZPI CITY --- The First Division of the Court of Appeals (CA) has reversed and dismissed the administrative case for conduct unbecoming of a public official against Camarines Norte Governor Ricarte Padilla. In a 15-page decision penned by Presiding Justice Fernanda Lampas Peralta and promulgated on May 29, 2026, the appellate court set aside the December 26, 2024 decision and July 29, 2025 order of the Office of the Ombudsman in Case No. OMB-L-A-SEP-23-0150, insofar as they held Padilla liable for conduct unbecoming of a public official under Section 4(A)(b) of Republic Act No. 6713, or the Code of Conduct and Ethical Standards for Public Officials and Employees. The appellate court ruled that the Ombudsman’s finding was not supported by substantial evidence and was instead based on speculation, surmises, and conjectures, warranting the reversal of the decision. The case stemmed from an administrative complaint filed on June 13, 2023 by Jestoni Q. Rafer against Padilla, Provincial Information Officer Sarah Marie P. Aviado, and broadcaster Jorge C. Dayaon. Rafer charged the respondents with grave misconduct, conduct prejudicial to the best interest of the service, conduct unbecoming of a public official or employee, violation of Section 6, Article IX-B of the Constitution, Section 120 of the Omnibus Rules on Appointments and Other Human Resource Actions (ORAOHRA), Section 94(b) of the Local Government Code, Article 244 of the Revised Penal Code, and Section 3 of Republic Act No. 3019. Following its investigation, the Ombudsman found Padilla administratively liable only for conduct unbecoming of a public official for allegedly violating Section 4(A)(b) of RA 6713. It imposed a six-month suspension without pay and warned that a repetition of the same or similar acts would be dealt with more severely. The Ombudsman, however, dismissed the other charges against Padilla—including grave misconduct, conduct prejudicial to the best interest of the service, and violations of Section 120 of the ORAOHRA and Section 94(b) of RA 7160—for insufficiency of evidence. The administrative complaints against Aviado and Dayaon were likewise dismissed for lack of sufficient evidence. Padilla subsequently filed a motion for reconsideration, but the Ombudsman denied the motion. He then elevated the case to the Court of Appeals, arguing that no evidence had been presented to prove that he appointed Dayaon as station manager of Radyo Pilipinas. According to Padilla, Dayaon merely served as a volunteer anchor for the station. After reviewing the case, the appellate court ruled in favor of Padilla and dismissed the administrative charge. In its decision in CA-G.R. SP No. 191909, the court held that Rafer failed to present sufficient evidence to support his allegation that Padilla appointed or favored Dayaon in connection with the operations of Radio Pilipinas, a local radio station in Camarines Norte. The court noted that Rafer failed to present even a single documentary piece of evidence proving that Padilla had appointed Dayaon, relying instead on the theory that Dayaon’s appointment papers were deliberately concealed from the public to evade administrative liability. “Absent any proof of the alleged appointment, petitioner cannot be said to have violated the norm of professionalism, as it is upon such factual allegation that his administrative liability was founded,” the appellate court said. “Notwithstanding the utter lack of proof, the Ombudsman took respondent’s allegations hook, line and sinker. Consequently, it was misled to conclude that petitioner ‘created a wrong perception of his role as dispenser or peddler of undue patronage’ despite the sheer dearth of evidence that could have linked petitioner to Dayaon’s assumption as volunteer anchor and eventual appointment as station manager of Radyo Pilipinas. In so ruling, the Ombudsman ventured into surmises and conjectures which fall short of substantial evidence,” the court added. The appellate court emphasized that while substantial evidence is the lowest threshold among evidentiary standards, administrative tribunals cannot rely on flimsy, unreliable, or conjectural evidence. “Thus, if the Ombudsman’s decision is not supported by substantial evidence but is based on speculation, surmises, and conjectures, this is sufficient reason to overturn the decision,” the court said. The appellate court likewise reminded the Ombudsman to exercise the utmost circumspection in its pursuit of justice. Earlier CA ruling The latest ruling came just months after another Court of Appeals division dismissed a separate administrative case against Padilla for lack of evidence. In a 27-page decision promulgated on February 24, 2026, the CA’s 12th Division, chaired by Associate Justice Pablito A. Perez, reversed the Ombudsman’s ruling that had found Padilla administratively liable for simple misconduct, conduct prejudicial to the best interest of the service, and conduct unbecoming of a public official. The case arose from complaints filed by Nonilon P. Bercasio and Romeo J. Gaite, who questioned Padilla’s appointment of former Capalonga Mayor Senandro Jalgalado to the Governor’s Special Action Group (GSAG). In 2024, the Ombudsman suspended Padilla for one year, ruling that Jalgalado’s appointment lacked legal basis and proper authorization. The Ombudsman found Padilla guilty of simple misconduct, conduct prejudicial to the best interest of the service, and conduct unbecoming of a public official, citing violations of the ethical standards expected of government officials. Padilla challenged the ruling before the Court of Appeals through a petition for review under Rule 43 of the Rules of Court, assailing the Ombudsman’s consolidated decision dated May 8, 2024 and consolidated order dated July 28, 2025 in Case Nos. OMB-L-A-Jan-23-0012 and OMB-L-A-May-23-0083. After reviewing the records, the appellate court found that the complainants failed to authenticate the evidence they presented and failed to establish that Padilla had personal knowledge of Jalgalado’s alleged continued participation in GSAG operations during his suspension. “Concomitantly, it was not proven that the incident posted in said Facebook account happened during the suspension of Jalgalado, that the Facebook account that was tagged was owned by Padilla, and that Padilla opened and saw the Facebook post showing Jalgalado performing public functions during his suspension,” the court said. “There being no substantial evidence that petitioner Governor Padilla had personal knowledge of Jalgalado’s continuing participation in GSAG operations or performance of public functions during his suspension, this Court will no longer delve into the elements of the administrative charges against Padilla,” the decision added. “In view of the foregoing, the petition for review is granted. The consolidated decision dated May 8, 2024 and consolidated order dated July 28, 2025 issued by the Office of the Ombudsman in Case Nos. OMB-L-A-Jan-23-0012 and OMB-L-A-May-23-0083 are reversed and set aside. The administrative complaints against petitioner Ricarte Padilla are dismissed for lack of evidence,” Associate Justice Perez said.

  • To Marcoleta and Cayetano: Journalism is not public relations

    (As a manifestation of support for members of the press covering the Philippine Senate, and for the entire Fourth Estate that was directly or indirectly maligned by Senator Rodante Marcoleta's statement tagging journalists as “bayaran” or paid hacks, BICOL MAIL is republishing this advocacy statement. — The Editor) Not Our Job, Senators Here is a lesson in media literacy: No public official is entitled to favorable coverage from the press. Again, for emphasis: No public official is entitled to favorable coverage from the press. This reminder should disabuse some senators of the notion that news organizations are obligated to report on them positively—or even mention them at all. The press is not the public relations arm of the Senate or any government agency. No self-respecting journalist will capitulate to demands for publicity, no matter how loudly or proudly a politician throws a tantrum. That distinction appeared lost on Senator Rodante Marcoleta when he accused members of the media of being "bayaran" during a recent Senate Blue Ribbon Committee hearing led by the minority bloc headed by Senator Alan Peter Cayetano. An Old Grievance After drawing widespread criticism, Marcoleta apologized and said he had spoken “out of frustration.” Yet he used the occasion to revive an old grievance against the media, lamenting that his participation in the Iglesia ni Cristo rally in January last year received little attention from major newspapers. “I spoke for about 45 minutes in that rally,” he said in Filipino. “When the Philippine Star reported on that incident, eight reporters worked on a single report.” “On the other hand, three reporters from the Philippine Daily Inquirer worked together on the same story. So 11 reporters heard it, yet my name was not even mentioned,” he added. “How come 11 reporters did not see me or hear me as though I did not exist?” First, Marcoleta overestimates newsroom resources in assuming that three Inquirer reporters were assigned solely to cover a rally billed as a “non-political” event. In reality, only one journalist was physically present while the others handled related assignments. Second, he is mistaken in believing that his omission from the report was deliberate or motivated by partisan bias. The simpler explanation is that what he said did not meet the threshold of newsworthiness. To be fair, frustration is understandable. Many news sources spend considerable time explaining an issue only to see their remarks condensed into a single sentence or a brief soundbite. That is the nature of journalism. But frustration does not justify sweeping accusations that undermine public trust in the press. Newsrooms are not obliged to quote every speaker or indulge a politician’s sense of self-importance. Not Stenography The Senate media covering the chamber condemned Marcoleta’s remark “in the strongest possible sense,” describing it as dangerous and irresponsible. They were right to do so. Indeed, the June 4 hearing revealed that Marcoleta was not alone in misunderstanding the role of journalism. Cayetano waved a stack of newspapers before the cameras and questioned their editorial judgment after only one broadsheet carried a headline highlighting his claim to the Senate presidency. The implication was clear: News coverage should have reflected his preferred narrative. But journalism is not stenography. It does not merely transcribe statements or amplify political talking points. Its duty is to verify claims, provide context, and help the public understand events and issues. The National Union of Journalists of the Philippines described Marcoleta’s tirades as “clear attempts to undermine the public's trust in the media.” By branding journalists as “bayaran,” he hands disinformation networks a ready-made narrative and reduces accountability reporting to a baseless smear. As Senate reporters themselves pointed out, there is a vast difference between constructive criticism and wholesale vilification. A Convenient Scapegoat Journalists are not beyond criticism, nor are they immune from mistakes. Marcoleta and Cayetano have every right to call out ethical lapses, factual errors, or unfair reporting when they occur. But it is an entirely different matter to accuse the entire press of bias or corruption simply because coverage fails to meet one's expectations. News judgment is not governed by political ego. It is not a quid pro quo arrangement in which publicity is exchanged for access or cooperation. It is an exercise in professional discernment. Consequently, political figures may be central to the news one day and peripheral the next. Sometimes they are omitted altogether because another issue carries greater significance or relevance to the public. Editorial judgment is not personal. What is personal—and harmful—is when public officials use the media as a convenient scapegoat whenever reporting does not align with their preferred narrative. Such attacks provide fresh ammunition for trolls, further erode public trust in legitimate journalism, and divert attention from issues that genuinely deserve national discussion. Public officials who harbor grievances against the media should be responsible enough to present evidence instead of resorting to reckless rhetoric that poisons public trust in journalism. If Marcoleta and Cayetano wish to make front-page news, they should spend less time attacking the press and more time advancing the public interest. The danger of reckless attacks on the media extends far beyond the halls of the Senate. In communities across the country, journalists continue to perform the difficult task of informing the public despite limited resources, political pressure, and increasing hostility online. Public officials who casually dismiss reporters as “bayaran” do not merely insult journalists; they weaken one of the institutions that citizens rely upon to hold power accountable. A democracy cannot thrive where facts are treated as enemies and the messengers of those facts are routinely discredited.

  • Inverted Philippine Flag during Independence Day ceremony draws Attention in Albay

    By Manuel T. Ugalde LEGAZPI CITY — Attendees at the June 12 Independence Day celebration in Albay were surprised when the Philippine flag was raised upside down, with the red field positioned above the blue during the singing of the national anthem. Albay Governor Noel Rosal, however, downplayed the incident, saying it was purely unintentional. He noted that personnel from the Philippine Navy were responsible for raising the flag during the ceremony. The flag-raising rites were attended by Governor Rosal, Legazpi City Mayor Ismael Hisham, Albay 2nd District Representative Carlos Loria, employees of the Albay Provincial Capitol, and personnel from the nearby Legazpi City Hall. The ceremony was held at Peñaranda Park in Old Albay District, Legazpi City, where both the Provincial Capitol and City Hall are located. "It was the first time I witnessed a flag-raising ceremony where the Philippine flag was displayed with the red field on top," a Capitol employee said. The employee added that whether accidental or not, the incident should not have occurred, especially during the celebration of Philippine Independence Day while participants were singing the national anthem. According to the source, the flag was lowered immediately after the national anthem was sung. Navy personnel then corrected its position by placing the blue field above the red and raised it again while the national anthem was replayed. Under Philippine flag protocol, the red field is displayed above the blue only during a state of war. Its appearance on top during a ceremonial flag-raising is commonly interpreted as a symbol that the country is in a state of war.

  • BSP strengthens anti-scam advocacy through media, information officers

    By Sally Atento-Altea LEGAZPI CITY, Albay --- The Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (BSP) convened media practitioners and government information officers in Albay to bolster public awareness and advocacy against financial fraud and scams. BSP South Luzon Regional Office Director Tomas Cariño Jr. emphasized that media practitioners and information officers play a crucial role in protecting the public from fraudulent schemes by providing timely and accurate information. “This initiative is to inform our media partners and information officers that they are essential in disseminating information and advocacy campaigns to the public,” Cariño said during the media information session. During the event, Consumer Protection and Market Conduct Office Deputy Director Paul Khristan Baylon outlined common types of financial scams, including job scams, loan scams, phishing, investment fraud, and romance scams. Baylon encouraged participants to remember the acronym “A.L.E.R.T.” when dealing with potential scam incidents: Avoid further contact with suspected scammers; Lock accounts and devices; gather Evidence; Report to financial institutions; and Tell the appropriate authorities. He reminded the public not to share sensitive information such as PINs, one-time passwords (OTPs), and passwords. Additionally, he advised them to stop any suspicious online interactions immediately, including clicking on unknown links or scanning unfamiliar QR codes. Among the participants was Atty. Aurea Bo. Bunao, the Albay provincial election supervisor and president of the Albay Communicators Network, who stressed the importance of vigilance and prompt reporting. “It’s essential that we do not become victims of scams, and if we do, we should know how to respond and report to the authorities immediately,” Bunao said. (Raiza Lucido contributed to this report/PIA Bicol/Albay)

  • CCWI seeks suspension of SP officials over transparency

    By Paulo DS Papa The Crimes and Corruption Watch International (CCWI) has filed a complaint-affidavit before the Office of the Ombudsman against Camarines Sur Vice Governor Sal Fortuno Jr. and the majority members of the Sangguniang Panlalawigan (SP) for their alleged inaction to address transparency and procurement issues within the provincial government. Earlier, on May 14, 2026, CCWI Chairman Carlo Batalla filed a complaint before the Ombudsman against Governor Luis Raymund “LRay” Villafuerte, Bids and Awards Committee Chairperson Janis Ian Regaspi-Cleofe, and Hernanie Morales, Information, Communications, Archives and Records Management Office (ICARMO) head, alleging accountability for the unavailability of detailed provincial government expenditures that should have been accessible to the public through the provincial government’s official website. On May 21, 2026, Batalla sent an urgent communication to the SP, urging the provincial council to take appropriate action regarding the matter. He claimed that the governor and other Capitol officials had violated transparency and full disclosure requirements under Department of the Interior and Local Government (DILG) Memorandum Circular No. 2010-083, or the Full Disclosure Policy, Republic Act No. 7160 or the Local Government Code of 1991; The General Appropriations Act, Department of Budget and Management National Budget Circular No. 542, Republic Act No. 11032 or the Ease of Doing Business and Efficient Government Service Delivery Act of 2018, and Republic Act No. 12009 or the New Government Procurement Act. On June 1, 2026, the SP issued a brief collective response consisting of two sentences acknowledging receipt of Batalla’s request. The reply was signed by the vice governor. On June 15, 2026, Batalla, a former provincial board member, submitted documents to the Ombudsman containing complaints against Fortuno and SP members Warren Señar, Dr. Sofia Charis Palmero, Darius Nopra, Vanessa Señar, Donna Oñate, Atty. Jesha Aina Noble, Regin Oliver Oliva, Sangguniang Kabataan Federation President Justmine San Buenaventura, Philippine Councilors League (PCL) President Eugene Vincent Camacho, and Liga ng mga Barangay President Antonio Serrano in connection with the council’s response. In a social media post, Batalla said the latest complaint filed by CCWI also seeks the preventive suspension of the respondents. Meanwhile, SP Committee on Appropriations Chairman Warren Señar criticized Batalla on Tuesday morning, June 16, saying that the latter was acting as though he were a representative of the Department of the Interior and Local Government. Señar said Batalla’s request effectively sought to compel the provincial council to pass a resolution directing the Office of the Governor and other Capitol departments to comply with transparency and full disclosure requirements mandated by law. According to Señar, the governor had already responded to Batalla regarding compliance with the policies, making the proposed resolution unnecessary. He further argued that Batalla, through CCWI, was seeking an oversight inquiry into the Capitol’s compliance with transparency requirements, which he described as unwarranted given that the provincial government received the Seal of Good Housekeeping awards in 2024 and 2025.

  • EDITORIAL: Digital Childhood

    (BICOL Mail decided to share this editorial originally written in the United Kingdom to help raise awareness among Filipino readers about a growing concern that is not limited by geography. While the discussion was framed around British schools and policies, the issues it raises—particularly the effects of late-night social media use, declining attention spans among students, and the growing influence of algorithm-driven platforms on young minds—are increasingly relevant in the Philippine setting as well. The intent is not to import a foreign debate wholesale, but to draw attention to patterns that are now visible in many countries, including the Philippines, where children and adolescents are just as deeply immersed in digital platforms such as Facebook, TikTok, and online games. By presenting this piece, I hope to encourage reflection among parents, educators, and policymakers on how similar challenges may already be affecting Filipino learners, and what proactive measures can be considered to safeguard their well-being and education. – The Editor) CHILDREN arriving in classrooms unable to focus, not because of lack of ability or effort, but because of exhausted attention spans shaped by late-night scrolling, is no longer an isolated concern—it is becoming a structural problem. The warning from the Members of the Parliament, alongside a cross-party push for tighter regulation of social media use among minors, reflects a growing recognition that the digital environment is now deeply embedded in children’s cognitive, emotional, and social development. At the heart of the debate is a difficult question: how much of childhood should be mediated by design choices made in Silicon Valley? The Education Committee’s findings point to a system where features such as infinite scrolling, autoplay, and private messaging are not neutral tools of engagement but engineered mechanisms that keep users—especially young ones—locked into compulsive use. The committee’s conclusion is unambiguous: social media companies cannot be left to self-regulate. That position is strengthened by testimony highlighting real-world harm. Evidence presented by figures such as Helen Hayes and advocates like Andy Burrows, alongside the lived tragedy associated with the case of Esther Ghey, underscores that online harm is not abstract. It is not merely about distraction or poor sleep hygiene; in extreme cases, it intersects with mental health crises, exploitation, and irreversible loss. The involvement of the Molly Rose Foundation—established in memory of a teenager who died after exposure to harmful online content—adds moral weight to calls for reform that goes beyond incremental policy adjustments. Yet while the urgency is clear, the policy path is far from straightforward. Proposals for an Australian-style ban on social media use under 16, or stricter age restrictions and curfews, raise practical and ethical questions. Enforcement, for one, remains a persistent challenge. Digital workarounds are easy to find, and history shows that blanket bans often push behavior underground rather than eliminate it. The committee itself acknowledges this by recommending not only age restrictions but also design-based interventions—restrictions on high-risk features for under-18s, even when access is technically possible. This shift in focus is important. It suggests a move away from placing the entire burden on children, parents, and schools, and toward holding platforms accountable for the environments they create. Teachers’ accounts of spending significant time managing phone-related disputes and online fallout inside schools illustrate how digital life now routinely spills into physical classrooms, reshaping teacher-student relationships into constant enforcement and mediation roles. That is not a sustainable educational model; it is administrative overload disguised as modern schooling. Still, regulation alone cannot carry the entire responsibility. The report’s recommendation for clearer national guidance for parents and schools reflects a reality that policy often overlooks: inconsistency at home translates into inconsistency online. This is where organizations like Smartphone Free Childhood enter the conversation, advocating delayed smartphone access and later social media use as a form of cultural reset rather than legal enforcement. Whether one agrees with their thresholds or not, their campaign highlights a deeper societal discomfort: children’s digital exposure is happening earlier, faster, and with fewer guardrails than most adults feel comfortable acknowledging. However, it would be simplistic to treat technology as the sole villain. The same platforms criticized for addictive design also serve as spaces for learning, creativity, identity formation, and connection—especially for young people in isolated or marginalized contexts. A totalizing narrative of harm risks ignoring the complexity of how digital life functions in modern adolescence. The real challenge is not whether social media is good or bad, but how to preserve its benefits while systematically reducing its most exploitative features. That is why the committee’s emphasis on “design responsibility” may prove more consequential than outright bans. If autoplay, infinite scroll, and manipulative engagement loops are genuinely harmful to developing minds, then treating them as optional business choices rather than regulated safety risks is increasingly difficult to justify. Similarly, proposals for meaningful sanctions on non-compliant platforms signal an understanding that voluntary codes have already been tested—and found wanting. The debate is now moving toward a broader redefinition of responsibility. For years, the burden has been placed primarily on individual users: children must self-regulate; parents must monitor; schools must enforce. The emerging consensus, reflected in the committee’s findings, is that this distribution is fundamentally unbalanced. Platforms that profit from attention should carry proportional accountability for its effects. Whether governments can translate that principle into enforceable law remains uncertain. But the direction of travel is clear. Childhood is being reshaped by digital systems that were never designed with childhood in mind. The question now is not whether intervention is necessary, but whether it will arrive in time to matter.

  • It had to take an Earthquake

    It had to take an earthquake to stop senators from bickering. For weeks, they had been at each other’s throats. Mindanao gets a shattering shake of a quake; then, the senators stop. On one hand, it is relieving that they have all calmed down. On the other hand, I somehow miss the action which to some extent, was exciting. Did they really stop? Or is this just a pause? Something tells me that this is just a ceasefire and after this, bombs will again be launched and intercepted, with debris falling on the public walking on the streets, much like what happens between Iran and Israel and other Middle East nations. By the time they stand again on the podiums, we might again be shocked by the twists and turns of the thickening plot of the soap opera that is the Senate of the Republic of the Philippines. That could be sooner because the President has called for Congress (which includes the Lower House and the Upper House which is the Senate) to act on priority legislative measures which include the National Center for Geriatric Health. Amendments to the Government Assistance to Students and Teachers in Private Education (GASTPE) Act, Assistance to Individuals in Crisis Situations (AICS) Act, Amendments to the Universal Access to Quality Tertiary Education Act (UAQTEA), Last Mile and Geographically Isolated and Disadvantaged and Conflict-Affected Areas (GIDA) Schools Act, Amendments to the Masustansyang Pagkain Para sa Batang Pilipino Act, Anti-Political Dynasty Law, Presidential Merit Scholarship Program, and • Such other measures aimed towards strengthening social protection and uplifting the lives of the Filipino people (gmanetwork.com). Wow! That’s quite a long list of things to do there. “Dakulun palan gibuhun, tapos nagparadurulak saka nagpara-absent pa kamo.” Some of these laws really would help Filipinos on health and education. I don’t think there’s nothing political on that list; well, except for the Anti-Political Dynasty Law. But, that’s actually anti-political. No self-serving politician would want to fast-track that, unless the provisions could be circumvented and coiled for egotistical ends. Now, if these had been what the Senate should be doing, change in leadership, accusations of push of charter change towards term extension, introduction of new rules , walkout, absences, and livestreaming were all disruptions. Well, we have some idea why the Senate suddenly took a turn towards that specific string of events; and that has something to do with the House of Representatives transmitting the articles of impeachment against the Vice President. That is somewhat telling of the priorities of the senators who initiated the change of leadership, accusations of charter change, introduction of new rules, absences and all other related events. Hey, there’s a lot of stuff to do, changing the senate presidents and committee chairmanships would just disrupt the processes. Hey, there are a lot of things to do, is presenting allegations of charter change as important as those? Hey, there are many things to do, do we really need new rules for electronic voting? I’m trying to be objective here and not let bias get the better of me, but, you can’t help but smell the stink. The timing of the changes, and the level of fierce fervor in pushing for new rules, in pushing for the Blue Ribbon Committee hearing to supposedly present these so-called 18 Marines/Bodyguards. Let’s presume that a group of senators, in good faith, with purest of intentions, in the spirit of justice, for correction of corruption, for the promotion of good governance, provided the 18 Zaldy Co body guards a platform to present their version of a “true” story. But, why is this “truth” so questionable and replete of inconsistencies. First, according to reports, just calling them, “Marines” poses some problems, because although some of them may have been Marines at some point, a good number of them were allegedly dishonorably discharged. So, some of them were allegedly into some monkey business already. Okay, okay, that doesn’t make them liars automatically. According to the allegations, a certain priest was delivered with suitcases of cash in a church (supposedly a Catholic church) along Mindanao Ave. It turns out no church exists along Mindanao Ave. Allegedly, initial affidavits contain names of Senators Legarda and Villar siblings, but their names would allegedly disappear on later affidavits. Senator Raffy Tulfo presented a comprehensive list of inconsistencies in the testimonies. So, they’ll be meeting for the later part of this week; that is, if the Cayetano group comes. Who knows what they have in store for the Filipino people? Proverbs 14:31: "Whoever oppresses the poor shows contempt for their Maker, but whoever is kind to the needy honors God."

  • Finding Hope in Times of Despair

    Being a volunteer with Tabang Bikol Movement, it is not unusual to come face to face with the problems of mothers, fathers, daughters, and sons living in poor communities across Camarines Sur. After disasters have passed, after the death of a loved one, or amid the relentless rise in the prices of food and basic necessities, many families struggle to survive on meager incomes or with no steady source of livelihood. As schools reopened two weeks ago, I once again found myself dealing with one such situation. But the case of Rodalio (not his real name) was a little different. Here was a seemingly strong man, now standing on the edge of hopelessness and contemplating ending his hardships in the only way he thought he knew. Rodalio is a bulky man of 40 whose sturdy build and strong muscles take him wherever there is work. A high school graduate, he accepts any job he can find—driving, delivering, washing dishes, hauling construction materials, or carrying heavy boulders. He goes wherever work calls, as long as it earns him enough to feed himself and his daughter. Years ago, his wife left them for another man. Today, Rodalio lives with his frail daughter, now in Grade 11, who suffers from asthma and attends school only when her health permits. Their house, made mostly of wood, stands precariously in a flood-prone community. Life for them has never been easy. Whenever Rodalio applies for work, he assures employers they can call on him anytime. He cannot afford to wait for the usual fifteen- or thirty-day payroll cycle because there are debts to settle, rent to pay, and food to buy on credit from the neighborhood store. Last week, I came across a message he posted in Bicolano: “Dai ako maglaog kasi nadadara ako sa trabaho asin problema ko. Dai ko na aram kung pasain ako. Stress na po ako maray. Pag hasta sa aga dai po ako nag-report, ma-left na po ako digdi sa GC. Salamat po sa gabos sa pagtanggap sa sakuyang. Sorry po.” (“I cannot come in because I am overwhelmed by work and my problems. I no longer know where to turn. I am very stressed. If by morning I do not report, please remove me from the group chat. Thank you all for accepting me. I am sorry.”) It was Rodalio. Severely stressed. Troubled. Perhaps exhausted beyond words. Fortunately, his co-workers sensed that something was terribly wrong. They sought him out and advised him to seek medical help. But seeking treatment would mean prescription medicines and additional expenses, things beyond the reach of many poor families. Some believed he might be suffering from severe depression, but what everyone recognized was that he needed help and understanding. His story raises questions many people ask today. What is mental stress? Why do mental health problems seem increasingly common? What is evident is that poverty, unemployment, inflation, family breakdown, illness, disasters, and uncertainty about the future weigh heavily on millions of people. We do not need Google or Facebook to tell us that. We see it every day in our communities. We hear it in the voices of fathers unable to find work, mothers skipping meals for their children, and young people losing hope. I cannot help but also think of the families and children in Gaza, Palestine, Lebanon, and other places devastated by war and displacement. Their suffering reminds us that emotional pain and hopelessness know no boundaries. Mental health problems do not choose social class. They affect the rich and the poor, the young and the old. They are not signs of weakness or lack of faith, but human responses to prolonged stress, loneliness, grief, and trauma. Messages like Rodalio’s—expressing helplessness, apologizing, or saying goodbye—may be cries for help. They should never be ignored. Listening without judgment, strengthening family and community ties, and seeking professional help can make a tremendous difference. Sometimes, the simple question, “Kamusta ka? Ano an puwede kong maitabang?” can help save a life. Perhaps the greatest lesson from Rodalio’s story is this: behind every laborer, tricycle driver, vendor, teacher, or professional is a human being carrying invisible burdens. For many people like Rodalio, the real struggle is not only finding work. It is finding hope. Government and those entrusted with power share a responsibility to create conditions where hope can prevail and where people can live with dignity. Sometimes, hope begins when another human being simply refuses to let go. Perhaps that is what Rodalio needs today, and what many others silently struggling among us need as well—not pity, but people who care enough to stay, listen, and remind them that tomorrow may still be better. And when compassion is matched by responsive governance and more just social and economic conditions, hope ceases to be a distant dream and becomes something ordinary people can finally reach, share, and enjoy.

  • For Whom Does the Atenean Education Speak?

    It was heartbreaking news: Two Ateneo de Manila University basketball players drowned. It did not, at that moment, matter to me whether the incident was purely accidental or whether it could have been preventable. My immediate concern, as an alum of the Ateneo de Manila University and an avid fan of the Blue Eagles, was the human cost of the tragedy. What mattered most to me upon hearing the tragic news was not the public discourse that immediately followed, but the athletes’ families – most especially their parents, their siblings, their relatives, and all those individuals who knew them personally. The emotional devastation they must have initially experienced – and continue to experience – was something only those personally closest to the deceased could feel, prompting the most human question: What exactly happened? Unlike many who quickly sought someone to blame, my instinct was not to assign fault. That process belongs to a proper investigation, where facts and not emotions should guide conclusions. My initial reaction was one of profound shock, disbelief, and sadness that two young men, full of promise and potential, were suddenly gone. Another shocker for me was the way the public in general, and many Ateneo alumni and alumnae in particular, responded with harsh criticism, intense anger, and even a desire for retribution, as though the Ateneo was absolutely responsible for the deaths of the two players, without the benefit of a full investigation. It was, at best, a rush to judgment, one that quickly solidified into a narrative suggesting that Ateneo should have foreseen and prevented the tragedy, as if life is 20/20. I wish we, humans, knew the outcome of any decisions or risks we take before making them. As a result, Ateneo lost the media war long before any formal inquiry could establish the facts. I read on Facebook that members of the Ateneo faculty signed a manifesto criticizing the administration for issuing “nameless, faceless, and sterile social media posts.” Social media are replete with posts criticizing the administration for placing a gag order on the coaches and players, accusing the school of prioritizing damage control over transparency. Another criticism raised was the administration’s alleged failure to inform the grieving family promptly and sensitively about what had happened, leaving them to rely on media reports rather than receiving a clear and compassionate account directly from Ateneo. The recent onslaught of public criticism directed at Ateneo may create undue pressure on the university to withdraw its support for the coaching staff in an attempt to appease its detractors. Such a course of action would be misguided. One does not abandon one’s colleagues in moments of crisis. They may be reprimanded or subjected to appropriate disciplinary measures, but they should not be left without institutional support. For many years, they have brought honor to Ateneo. To forsake them now, at a time of difficulty, would run counter to the Filipino value of standing by one’s friends in time of crisis. This is a profound lesson I have learned from the parable of the Prodigal Son – God’s mercy is always greater than our mistakes. I hope I did not give the impression that Ateneo should simply adhere to its winning tradition or refrain from implementing organizational changes in its basketball program, particularly if such reforms are recommended because of the ongoing investigation. I understand why the public and the alumni are angry. You have two young men, Rene Baterbonia and Divine Alili, who entered a prestigious university with the hope and promise of developing their talents as basketball players gone too soon. Their aspirations extended far beyond the court. They dreamed that one day, their skill would translate into meaningful financial opportunities, opportunities that could uplift their families out of poverty. That dream has now been extinguished. Their families have lost not only their beloved sons, but also the future they had worked toward together. Ateneo education for whom? During the past five years, the nation has witnessed the deaths of several young student-activists. The anguish felt by their parents, when they heard of their deaths, must have mirrored the same excruciating pain now being experienced by the families of Rene and Divine, a sorrow no parent should ever endure. Student-activists Alyssa Alano, Maureen Kiel Santuyo, Chad Booc Jurain Ngujo II from the University of the Philippines, Elgene Mungcal from Polytechnic University of the Philippines, and Ma. Elena Pampoza from UP-Los Baños had also dreams no different from those of Rene and Divine. They, too, longed for a better life for their families. Their lives were also cut short, though not by drowning, but by the violence of military operations. Yet the same journalists, social-media voices and Ateneo alumni and alumnae who vigorously continue to sustain public awareness of Rene and Divine’s story offered no comparable response when the students-activists’ families needed it. Why were these young student-activists left without the same collective grief, the same demand for accountability and justice? I do not understand why the public and the same Ateneo alumni and alumnae who are so forcefully vocal and critical about the deaths of the two Ateneo basketball players, did not express the same outrage when similar tragedies befell activist-students who lost their lives under military fire. The disparity in moral urgency is striking, and it raises tough questions about whose suffering we choose to acknowledge and whose we allow to fade into silence. Since speaking about activists’ killings carries risks, real or perceived, I ask my fellow Ateneo alumni and alumnae if they are worried about being misunderstood, red-tagged, or drawn into political debates they feel unprepared to navigate. Or is it because activists’ killings receive less media sustained attention compared to basketball that alumni and alumnae tend to follow what is most visible, income-generating and popular? Their silence in many of these cases is deafening. Many alumni and alumnae have criticized the Jesuits for what they perceive as their failure to embody the Ignatian principles of Magis, Men for Others, Ad Majorem Dei Gloriam (AMDG) and Cura Personalis in their response to the deaths of the two student-athletes. Yet, I cannot help but ask these same alumni and alumnae: why are these principles not applied with equal conviction when student-activists (and others like journalists, workers, peasants, etc.) are killed, often under violent and deeply troubling circumstances? Why does moral urgency seem to diminish when the victims are social activists rather than athletes? Is it because these activists are not Ateneans or is there a deeper double standard at work? The disparity invites serious reflection on how selectively Ateneo alumni and alumnae invoke these Ignatian principles that they learned in the classrooms – or did not learn – and whether they are willing to extend their demands beyond the boundaries of institutional identity to the broader human community they are always meant to serve.

  • Ulianon

    Nagbisita ako sa sakong tiyaon sa ciudad nin Legazpi kan nakaaging Sabado. Medio buelo ang sakuyang oras kan mga nakaaging aldaw dara kan holiday, aldaw nin katalingkasan kan Biernes, nagpasiring ako duman asin nagdagos sa sarong hotel na harani sa sikat na mall duman. Pagkaaga bago magcheck-out, naghiling muna sa mapa para maaraman kung pano magduman sa harong ni Auntie Rose. Bakong man masakit hanapon ta harani sa ka-centrohan kan Old Albay ang saindang lugar. Pag-abot ko, yaon si Auntie asin ang duwa niyang tugang. Nagbisa ako sainda asin nakikumustahan. Si auntie sarong paratahi asin sarong optometrist. Ma nobenta y uno (91) anios na siya ngonian na taon asin naobserbaran ko ang saiyang karigmatan. Ang maluya lang saiya ang pagdangog. Giromdom ko kadto, igua siya nin shop. Kan ako magka-astigmatism, sinda kan saiyang agom, si Uncle Baby ang naglibre kan sakong salming. “Magpasukol ka nin salming ki Auntie Rose mo”, sabi kan sakong ina. asin nagduman ako sa shop ninda sa may Panganiban Extension. Dikit pa ang tao kadto sa Centro. Mala nagkakarawat pa kami kan mga pinsan ko sa gilid kan tinampo. Sa tungod kan dating Alex Theater ang saindang shop, asin hilera kan nasabing sinehan ang dating kakanan na Mama asin ni Papa. Si Mama ang nagmanehar kan karihan asin si Papa empliado sa CAP (College Assurance Plan) sarong insurance company, na lalakawon sana ang distancia hale sa karihan. Haloy na si huring hilingan mi ni auntie, siguro lampas apat na taon naman ang nakaagi. Nagbisita siya kadto sa Naga kaibahan ang saiyang aki asin makuapo, pinsan asin pamangkin ko. Nagparangudto kami kadto si tanda ko sa may Panganiban. Kan kami nagpapangudto, dakul sindang istoria. Saro sa mga istoria hale sa tugang ni auntie, si ama ninda nagtalikod sa kinaban sa edad na sitenta y cinco (75) anios. Tubong Bacon, Sorsogon ang saindang pamilya asin naglipat sinda sa Legazpi kan 1969. Tanda niya daa si ama ninda kan nag-eedad na, nagiging rilingawon asin pirming sinasabi na garo dai napapauntok, gusto niya na mag-uli. Pirming sambit na mauli na daa siya. Ang pagka-lingaw, pag-inaki, o pagbalik sa kung anong nakaagi, iyo ang pag-ulianon. Nauli na, nabalik na. Bako man gabos nag-uulianon, padagos na sabi kan tugang ni auntie. Sa isip ko, ano daw kung may qualification para mag-ulianon? Baad may selection process, malay ta baga. Baad igua man nanggad. Si Lolahon ko sa ina, dai man na gayo to nag-ulianon, retired teacher si Lola Pining. Siguro pag pirming mental na ehersisyo ang payo, mas hababa ang posibilidad mag-ulianon. O siguro si mga forward-thinking, daing gayo nasapo kaini ta mayo man ulianon na futuro o mangyayari pa sana ang iniisip. Pano ka mauli sa mayo pa man? Bako yan ulianon, sa puru-pilosopo kong isip, mas tamang apon kayan, “padumanon”. Ang saro sigurong basehan kan pag-ulianon ang lawig kan oras asin eksperiyensiyang inagihan. Ano man iuulianon kang huben o aki? Mabalik sa dati na dai pa ngani napoon ang biyahe. Kan kami nagbibisita sa shop na Uncle Baby asin Auntie Rose, nagkakarawat kami hanggang mag-poon nang mag-laog ang bangui hale sa maimbong asin maduros-duros na hapon. Sadit pa ang kinabang kadto para sako, dai pa nagsasagi sa isip ko na ang ciudad may mahiwas na mga kaomahan asin mga tanuman. Ang memoria kan tao saro man na erokan, saro man na dumanan asin ulian. Mga lugar kung saen kita namuklat asin nagtalubo. Ang memoria sarong lugar. Garo ciudad nin Naga. Mag-abot man ang panahon na ako mag-ulianon, yaon na ako sa istaran ko. Inamayan ko na ang uli ko. Ta aram ko maogmang memoria ang padangat kong ciudad. Siring sa linya hale sa Heart of Bicol March na sinurat ni Bienvenido Santos: “City of sounds, we hear your voices In church, in street, and marketplace; In campus din and river noise That shapes our lives and guilds our days.” Happy 78th Charter Anniversary, Ciudad nin Naga!

  • Before They Were Athletes

    Two young lives have been lost. In the days since the tragedy involving student-athletes from Ateneo de Manila University, grief has naturally been accompanied by questions. Investigations will continue. Facts will emerge. Responsibilities, if any, will be determined in due time. Those questions deserve answers. But perhaps, before anything else, there is something else worth remembering. Before they were athletes, they were sons. Before they represented their university, they belonged to families who watched them grow, celebrated their victories, and dreamed of futures that stretched far beyond the next season. And that perspective matters. Because in a culture obsessed with excellence, it becomes dangerously easy to reduce young people to what they do rather than recognize them for who they are. They become players, recruits, scholars, and symbols of institutional pride, while forgetting that before all of these, they are simply young men or women still learning, still growing, and still entrusted to the care of adults. That trust should never be taken lightly. Modern sports culture often speaks the language of sacrifice. And rightly so. This virtue builds character and prepares young people for challenges beyond the playing field. But there is a line that should never become blurred. No tradition and no pursuit of greatness should ever cause us to forget that achievement is not the highest value. Human life is. This is true not only in sports, but in schools, workplaces, and every environment where young people are taught to push themselves beyond what they thought possible. And perhaps tragedies such as this invite all of us—not only coaches and administrators, but parents, teachers, and society itself—to reflect on the messages we send to the young. Do they believe they are valued only when they perform? Do they feel pressure to constantly prove themselves? Do we praise endurance without teaching limits? Do we celebrate resilience without recognizing vulnerability? These are uncomfortable questions. But uncomfortable questions are often the ones worth asking. Because no championship lasts forever. In time, records are broken. Seasons end. New athletes emerge. Life moves forward. But for families who lose a child, time moves differently. There are no replacement players in grief. No next season. No rematch. Look closer. Before they were athletes, they were dreams carried by parents. Before they were names in headlines, they were futures waiting to unfold. And before they belonged to schools, teams, and institutions, they belonged to people who loved them. Championships can be won again. Some empty seats cannot.

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