Under Robredo’s leadership, the city government is leaving no stone unturned in its effort to contain the dengue surge, deploying every available resource—from mosquito-control operations and intensified surveillance to additional hospital beds, health personnel and home monitoring—to prevent further infections and ensure that patients receive the care they need. The Naga City Government has intensified its campaign against dengue as the number of cases continues to rise, with barangays directed to step up mosquito-control measures while the Naga City General Hospital (NCGH) struggles to accommodate patients. Mayor Leni Robredo said during her weekly press conference that the city government had provided all 27 barangays with insecticides for mosquito control, including appropriate treatments for mosquito breeding sites in bodies of water. The barangays were advised to conduct regular control measures, particularly in areas where Aedes mosquitoes may breed. The NCGH has also opened 40 additional beds for dengue patients since last week, but Robredo said these have proven inadequate amid the continuing increase in cases. Beds have been set up in hospital corridors, while the third floor has also been opened to accommodate patients. She said long queues of dengue patients have also been observed at the emergency room. “We have to augment the manpower complement of our personnel like doctors, nurses, medical technologists. Last week we hired several nurses as the first batch of what we need to hire, but we have to hire more. Hopefully, we can find additional number of doctors to augment the present manpower complement,” Robredo said. The city’s four preliminary healthcare centers—the Super Health Center, Our Lady of Lourdes Infirmary, City Health Office 1 and City Health Office 2—have also started admitting dengue patients to help ease the pressure on NCGH. The city has recorded eight dengue-related deaths, while nearly 500 cases have been reported. As of Saturday, 79 cases were active. Robredo said at least 20 percent of dengue patients confined at NCGH are not Naga residents. She has also required government and private hospitals to report their dengue cases to the city as part of its continuing surveillance and monitoring. The city government has likewise procured Dengue Care Kits after NCGH doctors advised that patients who do not show warning signs could be monitored at home, helping prevent the hospital from becoming overwhelmed. The kits, distributed to households with dengue patients being monitored by their barangays, contain Pocari Sweat drinks, mosquito repellent lotion, a digital thermometer, alcohol, multivitamins, paracetamol, oral rehydration salts and monitoring sheets. Separate kits are provided for children and adults. Robredo said patients with warning signs or those who have been suffering from fever for two days should be brought to a hospital. She also urged families to inform their punong barangay, health kagawad, and midwife or barangay health worker if a family member becomes ill so the patient can be monitored and given appropriate care. She said barangays are being mobilized to conduct surveillance and the search-and-destroy of mosquito breeding sites, as the dengue campaign cannot be left solely to the city government because of the number of measures that need to be undertaken. Aside from mosquito-control activities in the barangays, intensive fogging operations will be conducted in schools shortly before classes resume after the two-week suspension during the Peñafrancia fiesta. Robredo said the school break has also temporarily limited children’s exposure to dengue because they are not attending classes. Robredo emphasized that monitoring should continue even after a patient has recovered, while barangays remain involved in tracking active and recovering cases as part of the city’s response to the dengue surge. | Jason B. Neola, CMO-Public Information Office head

By Jordan Domingo The House of Representatives is in the thick of deliberations on the proposed 2027 national budget, with Camarines Sur 3rd District Rep. Nelson S. Legacion saying his district is set to receive a bigger allocation than in previous years. Legacion said Congress is currently focused on scrutinizing the proposed budgets of government departments and agencies, including allocations for projects and programs in the different congressional districts across the country. He said the House appropriations bill is scheduled for plenary deliberations beginning in the third week of September, with approval targeted by the last week of the month before it is transmitted to the Senate. Legacion said infrastructure projects remain a major component of the district’s allocation, particularly the repair and construction of roads, including farm-to-market roads. He said these projects would be complemented by livelihood and entrepreneurial programs to create more economic opportunities for residents. He particularly cited the importance of connecting farming barangays to poblaciones, saying better roads would facilitate the movement of farmers and agricultural products. He also pushed for irrigation projects to complement farm-to-market roads and enable rice farmers to plant and harvest at least twice a year. An ongoing irrigation project in Magarao, he said, has the capacity to supply water to about 80 hectares of rice land. Its water source is a river in neighboring Calabanga. Legacion said irrigation would help farmers increase production and improve the quality of their produce, particularly amid the hot and dry weather being experienced across the country. Legacion also said better roads would help reduce the cost of transporting palay from farms to roads and markets. He noted that farmers currently have to pay about P20 to P50, and in some cases as much as P80 to P100, for every sack of palay transported from the rice fields. On health, Legacion said P75 million has already been allocated for the construction of a government hospital building in Calabanga. He is also seeking an additional P150 million under the proposed 2027 General Appropriations Act to fund the healthcare facility. A multipurpose building proposed for Barangay La Purisima in Calabanga has likewise been included in the annual budget. Legacion said the facility is linked to the municipality’s tourism plans and is expected to contribute to the development of the area as a future business district. Legacion said his priority is to provide farmers with opportunities to increase their income through higher production and better-quality agricultural products, with irrigation, farm-to-market roads and agricultural inputs forming part of the support needed to achieve that goal.

THE decline in physical bullying among Filipino learners is certainly a welcome news. Fewer students are being hit, pushed, threatened, mocked or subjected to nasty rumors than seven years ago. But the figures should not give schools, parents and policymakers a reason to relax and celebrate. If anything, the latest findings from the 2025 Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) suggest that bullying has not disappeared—it has changed form. The schoolyard bully may no longer be the only threat. The smartphone has become another arena where humiliation, intimidation and reputational damage can take place, often beyond the sight of teachers and parents. But the changing face of bullying may actually make the problem more difficult for authorities to address. Physical bullying usually happens where teachers, school personnel or other students can see it. Cyberbullying, on the other hand, can happen behind a screen, outside school premises and even at home. A single malicious post, message, photo or false report can reach hundreds or thousands of people in minutes, making the damage much harder to contain. This is the dilemma authorities now face: the decline in traditional bullying should not be mistaken for a decline in the seriousness of the problem. The use of gadgets has created a new space for bullying—one that is harder to monitor and where perpetrators can operate beyond the immediate reach of school authorities. It requires not only stricter and clearer school policies, but also closer cooperation among schools, parents and learners to ensure that technology does not become a tool for harming others. Fourteen percent of Filipino learners reported seeing false online reports about themselves that could harm their reputation. That is not a minor concern. A nasty remark whispered in a classroom may hurt for a day; a malicious post can be copied, shared and preserved indefinitely. This makes cyberbullying particularly difficult to address. The victim may leave school at the end of the day, but there is no similar escape from an online attack. Social media can follow a child into the home, the bedroom and even into the supposed safety of family time. Schools therefore need to treat digital safety as seriously as physical safety. At the same time, the PISA findings point to another problem: technology intended to help students learn can also become a source of distraction. About three out of four Filipino learners said their peers are often distracted by digital devices during at least some Science classes. The answer, however, is not to demonize technology or simply ban smartphones and other devices. Technology is now an unavoidable part of education and everyday life. The more important question is whether learners are being taught to use it responsibly and purposefully. School policies on digital-device use are already widespread, with more than 80 percent of Filipino learners attending schools with such policies. The bigger challenge is enforcement and consistency. A policy that exists on paper but is ignored inside the classroom accomplishes little. Teachers need clear rules and support in implementing them. Parents also have a role in teaching children that digital behavior carries real-world consequences. And learners themselves must understand that posting, forwarding or sharing harmful content is not harmless simply because it happens behind a screen. Most importantly, schools must strengthen mechanisms that allow victims of bullying—whether physical or digital—to report incidents safely and receive appropriate support. The encouraging decline in traditional bullying shows that interventions can work. It should give us confidence, not complacency. The goal should not merely be to make schools free from fistfights, insults and threats. It should be to create learning environments where children feel safe wherever learning and social interaction take place—inside the classroom, on the school grounds and online. Bullying has not disappeared. It has evolved. Our response must evolve with it.

“My testimony is not for sale, sir.” Of course not. Whoever said it was for sale? Retired Sandiganbayan Presiding Justice Amparo Cabotaje-Tang made that declaration during her cross-examination by defense counsel Mark Vinluan in the Senate impeachment trial of Vice President Sara Duterte. She was directly addressing and rejecting suggestions that she was receiving personal or material favors in exchange for serving as a witness. The exchange began when defense counsel asked whether she had been offered or promised anything in return for taking the witness stand for the prosecution. She pushed back by firmly and respectfully denying this, stating she would never testify if offered anything, material or otherwise. Despite this clear response, the defense counsel still insisted on asking if she was seeking an ambassadorial post in exchange for her appearance. Cabotaje-Tang dismissed the idea, emphasizing that she is fully retired and simply wishes to enjoy her retirement. (I wonder what country the defense was insinuating the retired Presiding Justice would even want to be ambassador to.) This reminded me of something a friend shared with me a couple of months ago. For context, the characters in this anecdote are a former OFW mother and her adult businessman son. Mother is pro-Duterte. Son is anti-Duterte. They were at home together with the son’s wife and daughters, having dinner while watching the news. Then came news reports of Senators Escudero and Villanueva breaking from their original faction in the Alan Peter Cayetano bloc to attend key sessions—during the time when the former majority boycotted sessions, causing a bitter parliamentary standoff. The pro-Duterte mother blurted out: “Hala kamo, Escudero saka Villanueva, nagkabarayadan na kamo!” ("Look at you, Escudero and Villanueva, you’ve been bought off!") The anti-Duterte son sat at the dinner table stunned, keeping mum to avoid an argument. When I later mentioned to a friend the insinuation that the senators shifted alliances in exchange for favors (financial or otherwise), she responded with, “Malay mo, iyo talaga.” ("Who knows, maybe it's true.") Inside, I was exclaiming, What? But then, in Philippine politics, who knows? When I read the headline, watched the details, and remembered that dinner table story, I saw a clear connection of perception. Our countrymen who support the Vice President genuinely believe that people who support the President, back the government, or testify for the prosecution do so because they have been bribed with favors—that they would not do so unless promised grand gratuities. It should not be any wonder. This perception stems directly from the top of their camp. During the buildup to the impeachment complaints, the Vice President publicly claimed that House leadership was promising lawmakers specific district budget allocations and project insertions in the National Expenditure Program (NEP) in exchange for signing or voting in favor of the impeachment complaint. Among lower-income demographics and pro-Duterte bases, the narrative that congressmen were "bought" or offered infrastructure/social aid packages (like AKAP or TUPAD) to sign impeachment complaints resonates strongly. Independent survey research and academic analyses consistently highlight this skepticism. Broad national surveys from Pulse Asia and SWS show that while urban, middle-to-upper-class voters (Classes A, B, and C) pay closer attention to formal audit reports and constitutional grounds, lower-income voters consistently rank "political infighting" as the main driver of congressional investigations. Well, the perceptions go vice versa. Senators, congressmen, and government officials who align themselves with the Vice President are perceived as securing their political futures because the VP is considered a strong contender for President come 2028. We all understand core loyalists like Senators dela Rosa, Go, Marcoleta, and Padilla rallying behind the Dutertes, but how did Senators Imee Marcos, Loren Legarda, Chiz Escudero, and Joel Villanueva find their way along with the VP at various points? Don’t Senators Estrada and Revilla have their own independent bases? Political commentators point to the long-term, transactional nature of executive political coalitions. Public officials who defy current congressional consensus to defend VP Sara are essentially making a high-yield political investment. By standing by her during her political vulnerabilities (such as budget probes and impeachment proceedings), these allies position themselves for top-tier appointments—including Cabinet secretary positions, agency heads, and priority infrastructure backing—should she win the presidency in 2028. So, that’s the complete picture. Each side looks at the other as selling out their principles. Each side looks down on the other as being motivated purely by favors to be received or promised. Exodus 23:8: “…a bribe blinds those who see and twists the words of the innocent."”

Alas-tres nin aga sa Naga City kan pinara kan pulis si Rodel Luz dahil nagmamaneho nin motorsiklo na mayo helmet. Inimbitahan siya sa police sub-station para sa citation ticket. Habang nagsusurat kan citation ticket, napansin kan pulis na dai mapakali si Luz asin may kinukuang bagay sa saiyang jacket. Sinabihan siya na iluwas an laman kan saiyang bulsa. Kabilang sa mga ilinuwas niya an sarong sadit na container na may laog na sachet nin pinaghihinalaang shabu. Kinasuhan si Luz nin illegal possession of dangerous drugs. Pero sinabi kan Supreme Court na illegal an search. Ini an kasong Luz v. People, G.R. No. 197788, February 29, 2012. An violation ni Luz iyo lang an traffic offense na may penalty na fine. Sa ilalim kan traffic law, an normal na proseso iyo an pag-confiscate kan driver's license asin pag-issue nin citation ticket—bako an pag-aresto. Kaya mayo nin lawful arrest na puwedeng mag-justify nin search incidental to arrest. Dahil illegal an search, dai puwedeng gamiton an nakua na shabu bilang ebidensya. Kaya in-acquit si Luz kan Supreme Court. An leksyon: An pag-flag down sa traffic violation dai automatic na nagtatao sa pulis nin authority na mag-aresto asin mag-search. An search kaipohan may legal na basehan.

For weeks, we have watched the news about gun violence in schools across the country. We see the images. We hear the reports. We shake our heads, worry for the children involved, and then go about our day. It is frightening. But it is also distant. Until it isn't. On September 14, a post appeared on social media warning a university’s Junior High School community to “be prepared.” Later, another post appeared with an image of a gun and with the words, “maybe not today but tomorrow lol.” The university reported the posts to authorities. Classes and office operations continued as scheduled, with increased vigilance in security protocols. But while the school continued, some parents made a different calculation. They kept their children home. In some classes, only five students showed up. In others, about half of the class was absent. No lockdown. No suspension of classes. No dramatic scene at the school gates. Just parents looking at a social media post, looking at their children, and deciding that, for that day, staying home was the safer choice. Those empty chairs say something. Not necessarily about whether the threat was real. Not necessarily about whether the school made the right call in continuing classes. They say something about what happens when parents are suddenly forced to confront a possibility they had previously filed under that happens somewhere else. For those parents, keeping a child home was not a declaration of panic. It was a decision made with incomplete information and one very complete responsibility: This is my child. That is something worth noticing. Because parents are often criticized for being overly protective. But when the subject is a gun and the place is a school, caution does not need to be defended as panic. Sometimes, caution is simply what responsibility looks like. The school where this happened is not a school we know only because it appeared in the news. It is the school where my son goes. It is the school where the children of my friends go. That changes the way you read the story. The school shootings we have been watching on television suddenly acquire an address. And you realize that a classroom does not have to be attacked for parents to think twice about sending their children through its doors. A school does not have to close for a community to feel less secure. And a threat does not have to become reality before it reminds us that safety is something we should never stop paying attention to.

A month ago, someone posted a “Reunion of Friends” on my Facebook page, where I was invited to describe in one word, how I first met the person who posted it. At first, I did not want to do it. What caught my attention, however, was the reason why there was such a post circulating on Facebook. The first paragraph of the post explains it: “I’m well into the last half of my life on earth, and I have learned that dying is inevitable. No one can stop it. We have one life to live. The material things we invest in are left behind. Memories, therefore, are important. So, I am going to start a “Reunion of Friends.” The premise was acknowledging that death is inevitable, and participants were invited to describe in a single word how they first met. Since the premise was simple, harmless, yet profound, I responded and described in one word how I met the person who posted it. Initially, I found the idea too sentimental, perhaps even more indulgent. But as someone who has lived long enough to witness the passing of so many people I once knew, I felt it might be meaningful to revisit the connections that shaped my life. With that in mind, I decided to copy and post the “Reunion of Friends” on my wall to see how the countless individuals I crossed paths with would respond and describe, in a single word, how we first met. To my surprise, more than 235 friends and acquaintances began to respond -- friends from childhood and high school, former students from years back, seminary classmates, relatives, basketball playmates, activist friends during the martial law days, and even individuals I had not spoken to for years. Their single-word description and sometimes straightforward phrases were simple, but each carried a weight of memory: “Sipocot,” “Sacred Heart Novitiate,” Loyola House of Studies,” “Life After Forty Basketball League,” “Alliance for Philippine Concerns, “My AdeN professor,” “Tacolod, 2/14 1966,” “My BFF for life,” “Roses and Lollipops,” “AdeD 1973 adviser,” SJS Hway 54,” “1966 H4 class at Ateneo,” “bank,” “playing basketball at Ateneo,” “Uncle,” and “Tatay.” These words, though brief, stirred memories long forgotten, bringing back moments of recollection and shared experiences. They remind me of how fortunate I am to have met so many people who have remained connected with me for a reason. The circumstances that so often shape our first meetings were frequently simple and even accidental, but they provided the opportunity to turn casual encounters into lasting relationships. All things considered, what began as a simple Facebook invitation became an unexpected reminder of the meaningful and enduring connections I am fortunate to share with others.

“Pinapano ni Ina ang salog para sa fluvial procession.” Iyo ini si sabi kan ka-trabaho ko sa biglang uran kan banguing ito kan nakaaging semana. Nahiling ko sinda sa paborito kong kakanan goto sa Mags. Iyo ini ang naiisip kan mga deboto asin mga nagse-celebrar kan Peñafrancia fiesta, may koneksyon ang uran sa “pag-sakay” sa pagoda o fluvial procession pabalik sa saiyang “harong”, ang Basiica Minore. Naoobserbaran man nanggad ang mga mauran na aldaw lalo na sa panahon nin novenario ki Ina, ang aldaw pakatapos kan Traslacion. Ngonian na taon, naka-voya liwat ako, “sinuerte” na makakapot liwat sa duwang andas, ki Divino Rostro asin ki Ina. Sa may Francia ako pirmi nagsasabat para halawig pa ang ruta asin mas halangkaw ang tsansa makakapot sa andas. Madaradagom ang panahon kadto, bakong mainit, paborableng maray sa mga voyadores. Enot na beses kong maeksperyensiya na maabutan diklom sa may bandang Colgante habang naglalakaw asin nagsasabay sa dagsa kan tao, nasa may bandang San Francisco na si Ina kan mga oras na ini. Namamate ko na padagos ang liptok na namumuo sa bitis dara kan matarom asin magaspang na usli nin grabitas sa tinampo. Dakul tao. Bakong imposible ang ocho cientos beinte mil (820,000) na estimate na numero kan tao na nag-atendir kan aldaw na ito. Balikan ta si komento kan katrabaho ko na pag nag-uuran nagpapapano nin salog na aagihan kan pagoda, tanganing dai ini magsagyad asin dire-direcho sana pasiring sa hawasan. Ang uran bako sana sa pagpapano kan salog kundi hagad asin halat man kan satong mga paraoma na nagpaplanong magtanom. Lalo na ngonian na nasa lindong kita nin El Niño. Ano man daw nanggad ta kaipuhan iagi sa salog Naga? Anong importancia kan salog? Nagtaga-saliksik kita nin dikit na oras ngonian na semana, ang salog na igua nin tubig, sarong sagradong lugar segun sa pagtubod ta. Ang tubig simbolo nin buhay. Saro ang tubig sa mga natural na rekursos nin kinaban na kung mayo ini, mapapatod ang buhay kan gabos na yaon- tinanom, hayop, asin kitang mga tawo. Dai matagal ang tao kung mayo nin tubig sa laog sana nin tolo hanggang limang aldaw. Dai mo na pag-testingon kung totoo ang sinasabi ko ta inadalan na ini. Sa ibang pananaw, ang tubig simbolo nin paglinig asin pagbagunas nin epiritual na ati o dara dara kan buhay, kaya ang mga deboto na nagdadalan sa gilid kan salog nagpapangadie nin marhay na salud o pagkarahay sa mga kahelangan o mga mate kasabay ang pagwagayway kan putting panyo o tela asin pagsulo nin mga kandila para sa mga kahagadan asin intensyon kan mga pamibi. Sa kada fiesta na nag-aagi sa buhay ta, nagtatalubo man daw kita sa satong pagtubod? Kita ang makakasimbag kayan. Kita sa kairaruman kan satong mga puso. May nahiling akong sarong magayon na litrato ni Ina kan siya masiko na sa Francia asin Elias Angeles. Kua ni Winson ang litrato, saro siya sa mga katrabaho ko sa City Hall. Si Ina sa tahaw kan diklom asin dikit na liwanag kan palibot, nasa may bandang likod niya ang simbahan kan San Francisco. Sa tahaw kan dagat nin rinibong deboto. Sa sakong paghorop-horop sa litratong ito, simple sana man ang mawot kan kada voyador sa Traslacion asin prusisyon sa bisperas nin kapistahan-magdolok ki Ina kaiba ang debosyon ki Divino Rostro. Ispiritwal na eksperyensya ang paglaog sa mahibog na dagsa kan tao para makakapot sa saindang andas dara ang mga pamibi asin mga pasanon nin buhay. Yaon ang konsolasyon asin kagianan. Maogmang kapistahan sa gabos! Viva La Virgen! Viva El Divino Rostro!

September 16 is officially Mexico’s Independence Day—the anniversary of the 1810 Grito de Dolores that began the struggle. But the independence itself was consummated eleven years later, on September 27, 1821, when the Trigarante Army entered Mexico City. The Act of Independence was signed the following day, September 28. Three years ago, I found myself at Jamul Casino’s Rooftop celebrating Mexican Independence Day. An all-Mexican women’s band was playing, and something happened that I didn’t expect. The music awakened something in me. It didn’t sound foreign. It sounded familiar—as though it had already been somewhere inside me and I was only now hearing it from the outside. Then there were the dances: Cha-cha, Cumbia, and now Bachata. The rhythms felt familiar too. Not just to my ears, but to my body. Somehow, the movements didn’t seem entirely new. Even the language had familiar pieces. Uno, dos, tres, sien, la mesa, comprada. Words that were simply part of everyday life when I was growing up in the Philippines. And, of course, Spanish survived in the places where language becomes most emotionally honest: the curse words like “Punyeta, Casta.” We didn’t have to study Spanish to know those words. We inherited them. And yet, here I am, still struggling to learn Mexican Spanish. 😂 The irony gets better. Some people even mistake me for Mexican. I don’t know. Maybe it’s the music, the Latin beat and of course, the dance. Maybe it’s the Spanish woven into Filipino life. Better yet, maybe it’s being mestizo. Or maybe, after centuries of history crossing the Pacific, Mexico isn’t quite as foreign to a Filipino as we might think. That night, I began wondering why the Philippines doesn’t celebrate a Philippine-Mexican Friendship Day in a more robust way back home. I knew about the Manila–Acapulco galleon trade, of course. What I didn’t know—at least not intimately, was the human story behind it. For roughly 250 years, the Philippines and New Spain—what we now call Mexico—were connected by that transpacific trade. Ships crossed the Pacific carrying silk, porcelain, spices and other goods. Ships crossed the Pacific carrying silk, porcelain, spices and other goods. But cargo wasn’t the only thing crossing the ocean. People did too. Filipinos arrived in New Spain as sailors, workers, artisans, cultivators and settlers. They didn’t simply pass through. They put down roots—in Colima, Veracruz, Guerrero and Acapulco, among other places. They cultivated, built, worked, traded, married and raised families. They became part of the society that was becoming Mexico. The connection went both ways. And then I discovered something I found even more surprising. Filipinos were not merely present in Mexico. Some became participants in Mexico’s struggle for independence. Take Ramón Fabié. Well, not literally. He died in 1810. Ramón was born in Paco, Manila in 1785 and came to New Spain as a young man to study mining at the Real Colegio de Minería. By 1810, he was in Guanajuato completing practical mining work. Then Hidalgo’s revolution reached Guanajuato. It was there, after Hidalgo’s revolutionary forces took the city, that Ramón became part of the force that stayed behind to hold it. He helped recruit miners and was given the rank of lieutenant colonel in a regiment formed largely from workers of the Valenciana mine. His mining knowledge also became useful in preparing defenses and artillery. Guanajuato had been Ramón’s opportunity. It, however, became his Waterloo. He was captured in November 1810 and executed on November 28, alongside Casimiro Chowell, in front of the Alhóndiga de Granaditas. He was only twenty-five. He had crossed the Pacific to become a mining professional. Instead, he found himself in the middle of a revolution—and paid for it with his life. But Ramón was not the end of the story. Respected Mexican historian and researcher Ricardo Pinzón identifies two soldiers in the independence struggle as Filipino: Isidoro Montes de Oca and Francisco Mongoy. Their stories take us beyond Ramón. Montes de Oca was born in Guerrero and entered Morelos’s army in 1811 as an ordinary soldier. He rose through the ranks—captain, field commander and eventually one of Morelos’s trusted military men. Later, he became an important commander under Vicente Guerrero. Unlike Ramón, he survived the long struggle. He lived to see Mexico become independent in 1821—and went on to serve the new country. Francisco Mongoy was also part of the continuing struggle under Guerrero. That contrast matters. One Filipino gave his life near the beginning of the revolution. Another lived long enough to see the country they fought for become independent. There was, in other words, a sustained Filipino presence and participation throughout Mexico’s long struggle for independence. Ramón may have given his life too soon, but he was not an isolated footnote. Montes de Oca, Mongoy and others continued the struggle through the long years of war. And perhaps that is the part of the story that surprised me most. Filipinos didn’t just arrive in Mexico. They became part of Mexico. Maybe that is what I was feeling on that rooftop three years ago. History doesn’t always survive in textbooks. Sometimes it survives in music. Sometimes in a dance. Sometimes in a word you have been saying your whole life without ever asking where it came from. And sometimes it survives in a Filipino who gets mistaken for Mexican—but still can’t figure out Mexican Spanish. 😂 Looking back, I wonder if that night was less about discovering something Mexican than rediscovering something Filipino. Something shared. Something that had crossed the Pacific long before any of us were born. So when the music starts and someone asks me to dance, I may still have trouble speaking Spanish. But I know the rhythm. And now I know a little more about why. ¡Viva México! And, just this once— ¡Mabuhay, home boys!

Three significant events unfolded this week, within three days, all touching on democracy, constitutional government and the continuing struggle to make our institutions work for the people. Let me devote this column to three: the first Bangsamoro parliamentary elections, the amicus curiae proceedings on the voting threshold in the impeachment trial of Vice President Sara Duterte, and the Supreme Court’s action on political dynasties. September 14. The Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (BARMM) held its first regular parliamentary elections, replacing the appointed Bangsamoro Transition Authority. For me, this is more than just another election. It is an important step in the long journey toward self-government and peace after decades of conflict in Mindanao. The 80-member Parliament consists of 40 party representatives, 32 district representatives and eight sectoral representatives. The Parliament, rather than the voters directly, will choose the Chief Minister. But the election also reminds us that having elections does not automatically mean having democracy work for the people. Reports from observers and civil society groups, including CenPEG, raised concerns about election-related violence, accessibility and possible disenfranchisement in some areas. Rivalries involving political clans also remain a reality. More than 20,000 police and military personnel were deployed because of security concerns. I am happy with the fact that Bangsamoro voters finally had the opportunity to choose their parliamentary representatives in a society where patronage and clan politics still have a strong hold. But I also hope that this new political system will gradually move beyond traditional politics and deepen genuine democratic participation. Whether the new Parliament can translate the people’s mandate into better governance, peace and opportunities for ordinary Bangsamoro. September 16. The Senate impeachment court heard four retired Supreme Court justices and constitutional experts as amici curiae, or “friends of the court,” on the controversial question of the voting threshold for conviction. I watched the entire proceedings, and I could not help but wonder whether the senator-judges, especially those who sometimes get caught up in technicalities and political jargon, would come away more enlightened and exercise the impartiality and fairness expected of them. After all, an impeachment court should be about the collective search for truth and accountability. The Constitution says that no person shall be convicted in an impeachment case without the concurrence of two-thirds of all the Members of the Senate. Since there are 24 senators, the presiding officer had ruled that 16 votes are required. But what happens when some senators are legally unable to participate? Three of the four retired justices—Hilario Davide Jr., Artemio Panganiban and Reynato Puno—said the required number need not necessarily remain fixed at 16, depending on which senators are legally qualified to participate. This shows how a seemingly simple question of mathematics can become a serious constitutional question about representation and meaningful participation. September 16. And then came this third historical development. The Supreme Court ruled that Congress had committed grave abuse of discretion by failing for 39 years to fulfill the constitutional mandate to enact a law prohibiting political dynasties. The Court said Article II, Section 26 is not merely an aspiration but imposes a constitutional duty on Congress to legislate. I welcome these developments, especially at this time of the Peñafrancia Feast in Bicol, a time of prayer and hope. They are signs that our constitutional institutions are being compelled to do their respective roles. But I remain unconvinced. A court can remind Congress of its constitutional duty. It can order Congress to act. But ultimately, the quality of the law will depend on those who write it. And here is the irony: Congress itself is where political dynasties are deeply represented. Congress has the discretion to define what constitutes a political dynasty and determine the scope of the prohibition and how it will be enforced. We must therefore remain vigilant that compliance does not become merely compliance on paper. I have read several versions of the proposed Anti-Political Dynasty Law. What strikes me is that much of the discussion seems to revolve around redefining what constitutes a political dynasty—who is related to whom, who may run and who may not—rather than confronting the substance of how political dynasties operate and how power is accumulated and maintained. So, here they are: three events in three days. Three reminders about democracy and governance at work in our country. Does this mean we can expect anything real to happen now?

By Rhaydz Barcia DEVOUT Catholics from across Bicol flocked to Naga City on Friday, Sept. 11, for the annual traditional Traslacion procession of Our Lady of Peñafrancia, marking the start of the major religious activities honoring the region’s patroness. The Traslacion is the transfer of the images of Nuestra Señora de Peñafrancia and El Divino Rostro from the Peñafrancia Shrine to the Naga Metropolitan Cathedral, where the novena masses for Ina are held. The 2026 Traslacion started at noon on Sept. 11 and followed a route from the shrine through Peñafrancia Avenue, P. Burgos, E. Angeles and Iglesia Road to the Cathedral. Every September, pilgrims and devotees converge in Naga City for the Peñafrancia festivities, with the Virgin Mary fondly called “Ina.” The wooden image of Our Lady of Peñafrancia has been venerated in Naga for centuries, with devotees believing in her miraculous intercession. Barefoot male devotees known as voyadores carry the images during the Traslacion. For many devotees, participating in the procession is an expression of faith, sacrifice and devotion. The religious celebration culminates on Sept. 19 with the fluvial procession, when the images are brought from the Naga Metropolitan Cathedral to the Basilica Minore de Nuestra Señora de Peñafrancia through the Naga River. Traditionally, women are not allowed aboard the main pagoda during the fluvial procession, as Ina is regarded as the sole female center of the religious celebration. A long-standing belief among some devotees holds that a woman boarding the pagoda could cause it to sink. Politicians are likewise traditionally barred from boarding the main pagoda. The Peñafrancia celebration was canceled in 2020 because of the COVID-19 pandemic, with devotees urged to observe the religious activities at home, in their parishes or basic ecclesial communities. The celebration resumed in 2021, while subsequent years saw the return of the major public religious activities. For this year’s celebration, the Police Regional Office in Bicol deployed 2,600 personnel to secure major festival venues, roads, transportation hubs and other areas where large crowds were expected. The deployment covers the Sept. 6 to 19 festival period. PRO-5 spokesperson Lt. Col. Maria Luisa “Malu” Calubaquib said the police deployment would augment the Naga City police force and support traffic management, police visibility, mobile patrols, checkpoints and emergency response. “The personnel will be strategically positioned in major festival venues, areas of convergence, roads, transportation hubs, and other key locations where large crowds are expected to gather,” Calubaquib said. She said the deployment was intended to maximize police visibility, strengthen traffic management, facilitate the movement of devotees and festivalgoers, and ensure the immediate delivery of police assistance when needed. PRO-5 Director Brig. Gen. Randy Glenn G. Silvio led the security preparations and monitored police personnel deployed during the various festival activities. Silvio said maintaining peace and order during the Peñafrancia Festival is a shared responsibility involving the public, local government units, partner agencies, event organizers and other stakeholders. “We want our people to celebrate the Peñafrancia Festival with faith and devotion, while ensuring that everyone remains safe and secure. Our personnel will be highly visible and ready to assist the public,” Silvio said. He urged devotees and festivalgoers to remain vigilant, follow security and traffic protocols, and immediately report anything that could compromise public safety. Police operations will continue until the conclusion of the Peñafrancia Festival, highlighted by the fluvial procession on Sept. 19.

By Rhaydz Barcia The Philippine government has committed to a 75 percent net emissions reduction and avoidance target from 2025 to 2035, based on projected cumulative business-as-usual emissions, Environment and Natural Resources Secretary Juan Miguel T. Cuna said Tuesday. “Our national trajectory is unequivocally defined by low-carbon and climate-resilient development, firmly anchored in our enhanced 2026 nationally determined contribution (NDC), approved by His Excellency President Ferdinand R. Marcos Jr.,” Cuna said during the Philippine Net Zero Conference 2026 at the Philippine Trade Training Center in Pasay City on Sept. 15. He said the 2026 NDC consists of a 7 percent unconditional contribution through domestic resources and national capacities, and a 68 percent conditional contribution dependent on climate finance, technology transfer and capacity building. “The distinction reflects the integrity of our national context and fiscal realities while sustaining our high ambition. The 2026 NDC is our national economic platform linking climate action directly to energy security, economic stability, fiscal resilience, and social protection,” Cuna said. He said achieving the 75 percent target requires a unified operational architecture covering the country’s long-term strategy, NDC implementation plan, just transition framework, carbon market policy framework, and financial and investment plan. Cuna stressed that collaboration for a low-carbon future must go beyond dialogue and translate into structured and accountable action to bridge the gap between climate ambition and economic delivery. “A low-carbon transition cannot succeed if it is technically sound but socially disruptive,” he said, adding that the country’s transition framework seeks to protect vulnerable sectors, informal workers and local communities. Asked before the conference about working with President Marcos on matters under the DENR, Cuna said he needs to study the issues extensively because the President asks many questions. “I need to study more because the President asked so many questions,” he said. Themed “Bridging Gaps: Radical Collaboration for a Net Zero Future,” the Philippine Net Zero Conference 2026 was organized by the Net Zero Carbon Alliance (NZCA), a private-sector coalition founded in 2021 by Energy Development Corp. (EDC), a First Gen Group company. The conference marked NZCA’s fifth anniversary. The alliance guides organizations operating in the Philippines through a five-stage decarbonization process, from committing to net zero and measuring their carbon footprint to developing and implementing a decarbonization roadmap, tracking progress, and validating greenhouse gas inventories. NZCA currently has 47 partner companies committed to reducing their carbon footprints.